In generative linguistics, Distributed Morphology is a framework for theories of morphology introduced in 1993 by Morris Halle and Alec Marantz. The central claim of Distributed Morphology is that there is no unified Lexicon as in earlier generative treatments of word-formation. Rather, the functions that other theories ascribe to the Lexicon are distributed among other components of the grammar.
In Distributed Morphology, the abstract morphemes that comprise words are held to be completely empty of phonological information until after the syntactic component has finished manipulating them. That is, the structure of the sentence is worked out before there are any actual words present. The pieces of words that best match the syntactic structure are then inserted into the sentence.
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There are three main properties which distinguish Distributed Morphology from other theories[1]:
Distributed Morphology makes a distinction between the notion of a morpheme, which refers to a syntactic terminal element, and that of a Vocabulary item, which is defined as a relation between a string of phonological information and the context in which this string may be inserted. The standard schema for the representation of a Vocabulary item is as follows[2]:
An example Vocabulary item, from English[3]:
The division between closed and open word classes is recast in Distributed Morphology [4] as the distinction between f-morphemes (traditional closed classes) and l-morphemes (traditional open classes), which are defined as follows:
For example, to create the sentence, The dogs ate the meat, the word dogs is inserted after a noun root with the meaning [DOG] combines with a feature [plural]. At the end of the derivation, the English word dogs is inserted in the appropriate spot - that is, where the syntax decides to place the subject. Also, a verbal root meaning [EAT] combines with a [past tense] feature and [3rd person plural] feature. The closest matching word in English is ate, which is inserted wherever the syntax has determined that the verb should go. We should note that the [3rd person plural] feature is not actually matched in English, because there is a total lack of person/number agreement in the past tense in English:
I ate | we ate |
you ate | you ate |
s/he ate | they ate |
Of course, many other languages do have active person/number agreement that must be matched. Consider the same verb conjugated in the past tense in Portuguese:
eu comi | nós comemos |
tu comeste | vós comestes |
ele/ela comeu | eles/elas comeram |
Thus, the same sentence in Portuguese would enter the verb comeram, since it is the best match for the combination [EAT] [past tense] [3rd person plural]. The words cannot be entered until the features are combined in the right way.
Halle, Morris; Marantz, Alec (1993), "Distributed Morphology and the Pieces of Inflection", The View from Building 20 (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press): 111–176
Marantz, Alec (1997), "No Escape From Syntax: Don’t Try Morphological Analysis in the Privacy of Your Own Lexicon", University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: Upenn Department of Linguistics)
Harley, Heidi; Noyer, Rolf (1998), "Licensing in the non-lexicalist lexicon: nominalizations, vocabulary items and the Encyclopedia", MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 32 (4): 119–137
Harley, Heidi; Noyer, Rolf (1999), "State-of-the-Article: Distributed Morphology", GLOT International 4 (4): 3–9
Distributed Morphology FAQ: [1]